The Writings and Recorded Words of Jaswant Singh Khalra

The communal line drawn on the land of India by the British rulers and the Congress party in 1947 destroyed millions of homes, incited people who had coexisted peacefully for generations to turn on each other and erected a witch-shaped border on the shoulders of thousands of villages, which humanity had never even dreamed of.

This border has ruined the lives of the people of the villages on both sides. Barely have the wars of 1965 and 1971 begun to recede in the memory of residents on both sides when, since 1984, the border once again threatens our destiny. The government has imposed a curfew for five years on the border. Night curfew is imposed by the government while day curfew is imposed by BSF. The government has blocked our entry at five hundred meters, but the BSF stops us at two kilometers. We are forbidden to sow fodder for cattle, forbidden to work, day or night. Our lands have been illegally encroached upon through barbed wire. Countless men, under the false pretext of being "intruders", have been murdered in cold blood, an atmosphere of such terror prevails in our fields and farms that we cannot help but dread we will find ourselves among the bodies being counted. All this is being done in the name of the Punjab problem. The solution for which remains elusive for the foreseeable future because this problem has arisen from the fundamental defects of the Indian state and is a result of the injustices perpetrated against its minority communities (Sikh and Muslim). Even today, instead of reforming these defects, the government is calling this problem one of 'law and order' or of 'Pakistani interference'. Because of this, there is a possibility that they will increase oppressive measures on us in the coming days. So, while we stay aware of any imminent danger, we need to fight for our rights and the past injustices that have transpired, we need to enter the battlefield.

not take these demands to mean that we want to keep this border barbwire forever attached to our land and recognize any border or frontline on our mother earth forever. IDP understands that the problem of Punjab and Kashmir is not a cross-border problem, but an inside-the-border problem. It can be solved by sitting with the Sikh and Muslim minority militants and reconciling. In Europe, governments are spending crores of rupees to dig up and remove forty-year-old barbed wire while in India, the government is spending crores of rupees installing the same wire. Instead of preparing for war with Pakistan, the government of India should extend a hand of friendship to Pakistan and by establishing the India-Pakistan Union, abolish this border altogether.

The religion-based reorganization of the Indian subcontinent in 1947 was an important international event which attempted to reorganize this strange and unique region of the world where many cultural, national, linguistic, ethnic and religious tensions existed. Regardless of present-day views, at the time, the vast majority of politicians from all parties believed this cycle of events to be relatively proper. Meanwhile, a small religious group, the Sikh community, fell victim to the dilemma, deliberations and debates during the period of Partition. There were several reasons for this, including the vagueness of geographical areas and the wide gap between aspirations and realities. The Sikh community even broke ties with both parties and held several internal discussions. Because the memories of historical and political tensions between Punjab's Muslim and Sikh populations were still fresh, Sikh leaders thought it better to align closer to the Hindu community. There were also efforts by Congress leaders to coopt the Akali Dal. Jawaharlal Nehru's arrest in Jaito's Gurdwara Morcha and Mahatma Gandhi's declaration of the Chabiyan Wala Morcha as the first victory of Indian independence are testimonies to this. In the meantime, in order to prevent losing all of Punjab, negotiations were held by both sides assuring the Sikhs that they would have a special region within Hindu-majority India.

At the time, there was a desire among the Sikhs to have a separate state, but due to political constraints, they cautiously decided to align with India given the promise of a special region within the Indian Union. When this region was not mentioned in the proposed Constitution of the Indian Union, the Akali members of the Constituent Assembly refused to sign it. Nehru's treacherous politics involved tempting those who lusted for power, and he gave positions in Congress to the Akali Movement's Hukam Singh, Swaran Singh, and Partap Singh Kairon, and by doing this, he tried to maintain harmony and integrate Sikhs in the Indian polity.

When the Akali leaders reminded him of his pre-1947 promises, Pandit Nehru dismissed it as a contingent promise based on no longer relevant circumstances. After this, the current era of Akali Morchas began. Pandit Nehru understood that this morcha was not actually a protest for a Punjabi province but instead a protest for expressing the separate political existence of the Sikhs. On this basis, he said that he did not want to lay the foundation of another Pakistan by accepting the demand for a Punjabi province. Only on this basis, the Congress leaders warned the Hindu community that they should self-report their mother tongue on the census as Hindi to stave off the formation of Punjabi language-based state, which according to them would effectively be akin to a Sikh state. On the other hand, the Akali leaders continued to appeal to the Sikh community by calling the Punjabi Sooba the first stage for the independence of the Panth, and so, indirectly preaching to the Sikh community that their fight was actually a fight for the freedom of the Khalsa.

Thus, the relationship of the Sikh community with the Indian Union, which had never been clearly defined, became an open debate again. During the war with Pakistan in 1965, to establish trust with the Sikh community, the Indian government promised Akali leader (Sant) Fateh Singh that it would create a Punjabi state immediately after the war.

Thus, the tension with Pakistan contributed to establishing a state with a majority Sikh community. There is no doubt that its demarcation was based on religious lines, because during the census Hindus had stated their language as Hindi and Sikhs had stated their language as Punjabi. After the first phase of its political mission, the Akali Movement brought forth the Anandpur Sahib Resolution in 1973 to initiate the second phase. However, due to communist influence and their efforts to appear secular per the Nehru model, they introduced this issue to the public as one relating to Chandigarh, the rivers of East Punjab, and Punjabi-speaking areas. Regarding the latter, they did not seek to incorporate those parts of Himachal where non-Sikh Punjabis lived, but rather only the Sikh Jat farming areas within the districts of Ambala and Ganganagar.

Meanwhile, the centralization and Brahminization of the Indian Union had also accelerated. Article 370 of Special Regions was also implemented and designed to crush every movement seeking a greater share of power. All the Indian national parties viewed the Akali movement with suspicion, and the Congress party saw in the Akali movement the potential to realize its forgotten dreams of autonomy. Therefore, from the very beginning, efforts to disperse and split the Akali movement continued vigorously. Despite this, the slogan of 'panth khatre vich hai' (the panth is in danger) was developed to establish a political movement. If one analyses the entire Akali movement, it becomes clear that when the leaders decided to fight for 'panth di chardi kala' (high morale of the community), they became popular heroes, but if they tried to become a tool of Indian politics, they were rejected. The Sikhs were not critical of Akalis due to incompetence, but rather, the Sikh community believed that the Akalis' primary goal was to establish a sovereign state, and only then could they bask in their other achievements of freedom and democracy.

It is also not correct to say that if the Akalis were given a free hand to rule in Punjab, they would have done so effectively. The Ludhiana Akali Conference of 1978 is a perfect testimony of this. Despite Janata rule in Delhi and Akali rule in Punjab, they insisted on the resolution of Anandpur Sahib for the chardi kala of the panth. Until 1978, the Akali Dal continued to follow the Nehru model of politics and called itself the champion of Punjabi nationalism and agriculture. But after Sant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale unveiled the truth, there was marked polarization between the Akali leaders and the Sikh community.

Due to their established personalities and organizational structure, the old leadership succeeded in maintaining considerable influence over the traditional Akali section of the Sikh community. But the militant factions, with their clear rhetoric, kept the Akali factions fragmented. Finally, in 1990, the balance shifted away from the Akali side. And now the Sikh community and the traditional Akali section are influenced by militants first, and traditional Akalis second.

It was the same question from 1947 to 1990, what should the relationship between the Sikh community and the Indian Union be? In 1947, it was a unity based on mutual trust and after that, pluralism based on mistrust. In thinking of a solution to this, we will have to put forward the spirit of our "own state" that has taken root in the Sikh community. If within the last forty-three years the Indian state had shown itself to be "the state of all the people," then this feeling could have been satisfied. Even if there is a possibility of becoming a common state for everyone in the near future, then one can be patient and wait for some time. But if we accept the lesson of forty-three years of history and today's communal phase of Indian politics as a reality, then we need an immediate solution to avoid further bloodshed.

Today, for a peaceful solution, it is necessary to accept that the issue of reconsidering and redefining the relationship of the Sikh community with the Indian Union is before us. There are two ways of learning what type of relationship the Sikh community aspires to: either all Sikh organizations be invited to the table to decide collectively; or the consensus of the entire Sikh community should be taken. It would be more accurate to gather the opinions of the entire Sikh community, instead of relying on opinions of Sikh organizations, because it is unclear who is included among their following. In the past, traditional Akalis had the largest following among Punjabis, followed by militants. However, today in December 1990, the tide has reversed and the militants have garnered more support than the Akalis. Therefore, depending on them is neither meaningful for the Sikh community nor the Indian Union. To resolve this issue in the current conditions, the common Sikh opinion should be gauged by holding a referendum within the Sikh community.

Under natural Indian Law, separate Sikh voter lists have also been made which are useful for the election of Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee. They should amend it and update it to have voting on this issue. Concerned organizations should lead a public debate on the three main issues: increased power for regional provinces, the Anandpur Sahib Resolution, and internal autonomy or the formation of a separate state.

After adequate presentation of the three issues on radio and television, a decision should be taken by voting and implemented immediately. Only such a solution without bloodshed can be more effective in today's conditions.

Accept this reality and adapt to it, or face failure, it is the only alternative before the Indian people. Those who do not adapt to circumstances usually fail, because adaptation is the natural order of human existence.

What is the General Impression about Khalistanis Abroad?

Immigrant Khalistani brothers! You being a Khalistani is not fulfilled in theory as long as you do not conform to that movement in your words and actions. The common Sikh is not impressed by your model, but rather demotivated. I have no doubt that you are sincere, but the fact is you have failed to set an example. Other people will walk in your footsteps, and are walking, which is why what should have happened abroad is not transpiring. There is no need to despair. Such thoughts and such practices happen in the early period of any movement. Gradually, a movement matures, thoughts mature, and weaknesses disappear. So let us overcome our weaknesses and try to set an example for others by making ourselves a Khalistani model. This is the message of Khalistan Day.

We usually say, under the influence of mann-mat, that if Sikhs survive, Sikhism will survive, but gurmat tells us that Sikhs will survive only if Sikhism survives, and Sikhism begins with offering one's sees (head) in front of the Akaal Purakh. Sikhs did not survive by running towards Bikaner. Sikhs survived by proceeding to Sri Darbar Sahib to offer their heads. So, let us get rid of mann-mat. Let us save Sikhi. Let us offer ourselves to the Guru. It is the duty of a Sikh to ask for gifts from the Guru. We ask for milk, we ask for a son, we ask for other comforts, but our Guru is rarely asked for the greatest gift offered, the gift of sacrifice.

In our mann-mat, out of all of God's gifts, we are seeking to acquire material gifts. But we have been reticent to ask for real gifts from the giver of gifts. Our giver's greatest gift is martyrdom, but it is given only to one who is fortunate. Blessed are those mothers whose sons sacrificed their heads and placed them on their palms for the sake of the honor and glory of the community and became martyrs. Some of us, under the influence of mann-mat, say that there are still many young people in Punjab who should make sacrifices. We will join them when we get the throne. May Waheguru give them a long life so they can see over that long period that the Guru does not give the same status to a nawab as to a martyr… I am an unknown Sikh and the truth is known only by the Creator. But I must request that in the ongoing struggle for the community's freedom, the wazir's dreams, albeit not bad, are below the dreams of martyrdom.

It is true that political people fight for the greed of the wazir, but righteous people fight for liberation. Today we have both types of people… I consider the war of Khalistan to be a righteous war. Many people are considering it a political fight. These are the two currents in the community today…my humble request to the brave Khalistan heroes who are far away from the land of Khalistan is that we have all propagated the Khalistan movement in every corner of the world. Now, thousands of valiant Singhs have joined us in this struggle. If the same person does the same work for years, stagnation arises.

And this stagnation has risen in the entire immigrant Khalistani movement. The same faces, the same old clichés repeated on the same stages. People are fed up hearing it. The youth of the new generation, who are more educated and intelligent than our old leaders, can do this work better than the old leaders. But they are not being given the opportunities. Organizations are falling apart due to this stagnation. The congregation is silent. We must take this into consideration.

I was arrested approximately ten times by the police on political grounds. Five times, the police did not consider it necessary to complete the formalities of court proceedings. The five other times I was arrested and produced in court, the police could not prove the charges against me.

As a devout Sikh, I regularly visit Sri Darbar Sahib in Amritsar. But the Central Reserve Police Force of India has surrounded the Darbar Sahib and harasses every Sikh pilgrim who goes there. I was arrested on two occasions, first in 1989 and again in June 1990, outside the Darbar Sahib when I protested this with other people. As a human rights activist, whenever I joined with others to protest against police atrocities, the police arrested and tortured me.

In 1988, when the Central Reserve Police Force raided a village named Brahampura, which falls under Sarhali police station, and created a frenzy in the village, misbehaving with Sikh women in particular, we collectively protested and demanded legal action against security forces personnel. We peacefully waged a hunger strike for our legitimate demand to be met. But instead of arresting the accused policemen, the police arrested us. I was arrested and taken to Tarn Taran police station where I was severely tortured for four days. In the end, false accusations were made against me and I was lodged in the Central Jail of Amritsar.

In May 1988, when the Indian State attacked the Darbar Sahib for the second time, which was called Operation Black Thunder, we protested it peacefully and demanded from the Government of India that they not fire at our holy places of worship. At that time, I was again arrested and imprisoned in the Central Jail of Ludhiana.

There are currently many torture centres running in Punjab where hundreds of Sikh youths are being held illegally. We protested against this undemocratic and inhuman act of the Government of India and tried to hold a protest in the city of Amritsar in 1989. But along with Justice Ajit Singh Bains, I too was arrested and locked up in the police station.

On 6 June 1990, as we attempted to enter the Darbar Sahib complex to perform a function, the police stationed at the gate arrested us and sent us to Amritsar jail.

On 11 August 1990, the US ambassador came to Amritsar with the intention of understanding the Sikh problem. But on that day, twenty of my companions and I were picked up and arrested from our homes before dawn. The government was afraid that we would meet the American ambassador and narrate the atrocities being perpetrated by government security forces on the Sikhs. I have been threatened many times by the police officers that if I do not shut my mouth about the false police encounters and Sikh demands, then they will also kill me in a false encounter.

I, Jaswant Singh Sandhu, son of Kartar Singh, former resident of Khalra village, Amritsar district, Punjab, declare myself stateless and henceforth not to be considered an Indian citizen for the following reasons:

Instead of protecting my life, the Indian state has threatened my life and my universal human rights including the right to life, property, and opinion. Also at risk are rights such as freedom of thought, freedom of conscience and freedom of religion, and freedom to leave the country.

When I protested these excesses, your police arrested me and tortured me, but the police could not prove my guilt in court. You refused to give me a passport, which is supposed to be proof of citizenship, even though the Punjab and Haryana High Court later helped me get a passport only on technical grounds. Now I have come to know that your police have conspired to kill or disappear me on my return and they have printed a false report in the Indian press that I am here under some secret mission of Panthic Committee fighting for Azad Khalistan. My record shows that I am a democratic Sikh activist fighting against your undemocratic state, but your state's record shows that your police have declared every opposition political worker to be a "terrorist" and then killed him.

I want to live a peaceful human life which, at present, has become impossible for a person like me in India. I cannot claim to be a citizen of a country which has taken the lives of thousands of my Sikh brothers and is now thirsting after my own life. I have resigned from the post of Director of Amritsar Central Cooperative Bank of India. I declare myself a stateless person. Please don't consider me an Indian.

Signed, Jaswant Singh Sandhu

my people for long. At present I am forced to seek political asylum because the armed forces of the Indian state have disrupted my life in Punjab. Therefore, as soon as the situation there becomes a little more comfortable, I will return to my homeland (Punjab).

There is a very close relationship between cause and effect in the world. The cause of every event influences its effect. We cannot avoid it no matter how hard we try. If the longing for Khalistan emerges in a Sikh through Gurbani or Sikh philosophy, then you will see the theoretical impression of Sikhism on his activities. But if a Sikh's inclination towards Khalistan arises as a result of suppression of opponents or political events or as a result of economic discrimination, then you will see the same political or economic imprint on his activities. The concept of Khalistan in Sant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwala was born out of his study of Gurbani. That is why his activities towards Khalistan had the seal of Gurbani and he encouraged every Sikh to adopt Gurbani to become a Khalistani. Today, you will see images of Gurbani on the Khalistan slogan of many a supporter. When the Delhi darbar launched an armed attack to crush Sant Bhindranwala's rapidly rising movement, it had a deep impact on Sikh thinking. The sincere, sacrificial caravans of supporters who joined the Khalistani movement were primarily affected by the enemy's armed attack.

For this reason, the influence of that cause on these great warriors was clear. This movement emphasized the importance of weapons even while accepting Sikhism and Gurbani. This was a natural consequence of the enemy's challenge to us. They attempted to eliminate us through armed forces, and we accepted the challenge, vowing to resist with the use of arms. Sant Bhindranwala also took up arms and inspired the Sikh community to rise up, but all the while urging them to remain under the watch of Gurbani. Enraged by the cruelty with which the enemy tried to eliminate us, many people who had been alienated from Sikhism and Gurbani have returned to the fold. Countless numbers of them have succeeded in obtaining the Guru's grace by their sacrifice, and many are still toiling. Today, [January 1992)] the workers in the Khalistan movement are also spreading their outdated ideas. The clash of different views continues…to unify the movement it is necessary to overcome these differences.

Mutual differences can be overcome in two ways: one way is through ideological debate and the other is through struggle. Chief among the two approaches is the issue of ideology. If each group and its leader weigh his line (ideology) and action on the scales of Gurbani and tells the sangat how much his thought and action are consonant with gurmat, and if the sangat can draw correct ideas about this weight, then some good conclusions will follow.

Alien Philosophies are not Appropriate for Sikhs

We must be clear that the aim of Khalistan is to spread the Sikh community and Gurbani's light to this world. And if our movement is moving away from that goal, we will be bereft of the Guru and left clinging to other thought-systems. There are many theories in the world about state formation, the rise and fall of nations, and the prosperity of states and political structures. According to them, throughout history, many states have been established, destroyed, dispersed, or are in crisis. Among them, the Islamic state, Buddhist state, Christian state, liberal state (so-called secular), atheist state (communist) and arbitrary state (personal dictatorship) are prevalent models. They have their own ideas and their own structures. None of these states today are setting a good example for the good of humanity because their ideology could not present the right model for humans flourishing. Therefore, today every country in the world appears crisis ridden. Some are culturally poor despite being economically rich, and others are making efforts for cultural development but becoming impoverished. Their failure to present a sound religious (moral), cultural, and economic model for human society has generated a crisis of statehood. At the same time today, when we are building Khalistan, we should refrain from using the crumbling and rusty bricks from their kilns. Therefore, we must be aware that according to the teachings of the Guru, every brick of the imminent halemi raj is prepared and approved with the warmth of Gurbani. It is our duty to learn from our surroundings, but nothing can be learned from external sources that is not in line with gurmat. It is okay to seek help from others and offer help to others, but not at the cost of learned principles. Therefore, while accepting any good thing in the world and accepting someone's support, we have to believe that no goodness in the world is better than the goodness recorded in Gurbani and the power of any supporter is not greater than the power of Sri Akal Takht Sahib.

Leader and Followers

According to Sikh principles, in our religion, the status of sangat [Guru's congregation] is prominent after the Guru. A leader can advance on Khalsa principles only by assuming the sangat's trust. Some thought-systems view people as mere sheep and goats to be herded however one may. Influenced by these principles, many leaders show their acolytes an illusory paradise rather than earning their trust. They try to mould followers based on falsities. Some poor souls believe their words and follow them blindly. But with time, as and when the truth is revealed, people turn their backs, with the result that the leaders badmouth the same followers. But those leaders are not acting in accordance with Sikh principles. Sikh doctrine forbids lying to the sangat. Sikh doctrine forbids concealment from the congregation. The Sikh doctrine obliges every leader to present his plan of organizing the movement as per the guidelines of Sri Guru Granth Sahib Ji for the approval of the sangat. Then by fostering agreement among the sangat, he needs to show the way to pursue the objective of the Khalsa. It is against Sikh tradition to seek approval by show of hands from the common sangat on any issue which goes against the principles of gurmat.

Thus, it is very important for us to consider these points in order to build a people's movement according to Khalsa principles and to strengthen the foundation of Khalistan. We should believe that our guide and pathfinder is Sri Guru Granth Sahib, and we are not entitled to do anything that is not right according to [Sri Guru Granth Sahib]. If our leaders inspire the people to follow [Sri Guru Granth Sahib's] instruction, then we should accept their leadership. If there is any fault in them, the congregation has the right to criticize them and the leader is duty-bound to consider the opinion of the congregation. Thus, we should move towards building a people's movement.

The recent announcement to hold elections in East Punjab has reignited debate in Sikh circles. Almost every jathebandi is making their pitch in favour or opposition to participation, while entrenching themselves in their respective positions. Although no Sikh jathebandi has been able to establish the electoral path as the unequivocal means to liberate Khalistan, many are busy advocating for participation as a stepping stone in this direction.

The literal meaning of 'election' is to choose a representative to play a limited role within the carefully constructed parameters of the existing system. Along these lines, today's elections are taking place in unique circumstances for a unique purpose, and under unique conditions. For this reason, we have to clearly understand the circumstances before arriving at a conclusion about our next steps.

The unique situation we are facing is that the Sikh qaum has been waging a relentless struggle for independence. In response, India's Hindu state is waging war against Sikhs in the name of the "unity and integrity" of India.

More than 50,000 freedom fighters have made the ultimate sacrifice for Khalistan. About 50,000 Khalistani heeray (diamonds) have been languishing in jails for years. Many are waiting to kiss the rope at the gallows. Bhai Satwant Singh and Bhai Kehar Singh have surpassed even Sarabha and Bhagat Singh. More than 500,000 Indian Army and countless more paramilitary forces are hunting Sikh naujawan day and night. We are bearing the brunt of more draconian laws than anywhere else in the world.

The Indian state is imposing elections in these Machiavellian conditions and now the task before us is to counter this political farce.

Today, no Sikh jathebandi, no matter how cowardly or weak, will dare to claim that these elections can be a means of solving any of the problems afflicting Sikhs today. To justify their pursuit of power however, many are manipulating their words, to term their participation as a means to "protect our rights".

For whatever reason, the parliamentary Akali factions are choosing to stay away this time, whether due to their recent failures, or some other political calculation, their absence from the electoral process is a healthy development. Nonetheless, many aspiring politicians have decided to jump into the fray and are engrossed in mental gymnastics to justify their decision. It is imperative that we bring their arguments under the microscope to eliminate any confusion within the qaum on this issue.

Misunderstanding "Democracy"

Some are arguing that they wish to participate to show the world that "Sikhs also believe in democracy". They suggest that if Sikhs boycott elections, the world will take this to mean that these people are undemocratic. Those who make this ridiculous argument are (intentionally or unintentionally) distorting the meaning of democracy. Democracy doesn't just mean ballot boxes. The right of any people to determine their own destiny is the foundation on which democracy is built.

Being able to decide whether to live with, or sever ties with any political structure is a key democratic right. The ability of every citizen to be able to choose whether or not to accept the constitution of a country is a key democratic right. Choosing whether or not to participate in any election is also a key democratic right. Elections are not democracy in and of themselves, especially not when we break elections from this foundational understanding of democracy as the right and means to determine one's own future in any number of ways.

"Stepping Stone" Towards Khalistan

Some say that if they were to win election and pass a resolution for Khalistan, then this should be taken as an understanding that Khalistan will become a reality. They say as a result of this [resolution] it will become clear to the whole world that the entire Sikh community wants its freedom. When making this argument, these individuals begin from the assumption that the world just needs to be convinced that Sikhs want their freedom.

These brothers do not understand that countless Palestinians are languishing in refugee camps as they aspire to statehood. Millions in the North East of India have made their commitment to freedom outside of India unequivocally clear to the "world". Let us refocus our attention on other elections. For many years in Burma, the winning party has not only been kept out of power but its leaders have not even been released from prison, the "world" has done nothing about it. Elections could not even help the Nobel prize winning party leader get even an hour long parole to receive the award.

These people also argue that states in the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia have achieved independence by electing favourable governments and passing resolutions, but these events did not unfold the way they think. It is like celebrating a buffalo finally being freed of ticks after it's already died. If the Soviet Union and its founding ideology, Marxism, had not crumbled, these assemblies would not have even considered approving such resolutions for another 70 years.

Fighting on Every Front

Many say that they do not want any battlefield to be left wide open for our enemies. Following this logic, they argue that by taking the fight for Khalistan to every venue gives us another opportunity to defeat anti-Sikh forces. Using this tactic, they argue that they will fight elections in conjunction with the ongoing armed struggle.

Viewed in terms of military strategy, it is a contradictory argument to accept elections as a decisive battlefield when this field itself was literally created for the very purpose of imprisoning us. Falling into this trap, we destabilize and scatter the power of the qaum and invite electoral defeat to instill another wave of hopelessness as we saw due to the shortcomings of the 1989 parliamentary candidates.

Means for Some Relief

Some argue that if they win and form a government in Punjab, they will repeal the draconian laws, release Sikh political prisoners and gain other concessions which will further strengthen the Khalistan movement. If such amenities and concessions could help strengthen and support the Khalistan movement, then such limited facilities were available for thirty years from 1947 to 1977 but Khalistan was not formed then. If favourable conditions alone can strengthen the movement, then there is much of this conducive space in Southall (UK), what do they think about the strength of the movement there?

There are a number of other arguments that strongly advise Sikhs to resort to a more "diplomatic" approach to the struggle. What they mean when they say "diplomatic" however, is to think one thing and say something else. Say one thing and do something else instead. On this basis, they say that swearing on the Indian Constitution is not a bad thing, even if the Constitution is bad. They claim that they will win the election and pass resolutions against India, washing away their "sins". The origins of this logic can be found in the seminal theoretician of Indian politics, Chankiya, who laid the foundation of Brahminical politics. We are taught that if we want to succeed, we should follow this Machiavellian approach but if we want to maintain our morals and ethics, we will continue to be beaten down.

Some honest brothers who have made many sacrifices are intrigued by this argument and say that this is the reality of politics and war. If we pause to reflect however, it will hit us: if this is the path to victory then who is the one actually losing? The Khalsa panth seeks to wield political power as instructed by Gurmat. The Khalsa is not fighting with the Indian state to set the price of wheat and paddy, the Khalsa is fighting to establish the principles and value of dharam. If the Khalsa renounces this very dharam and goes to war by adopting Brahminical influences, then on which definition will victory and defeat be decided?

This is like the tale of the battle between the elephant and the lion. When the lion thought that he needed to be as tall as the elephant in order to defeat him, he begged the horse "Let me stand on your back to fight the elephant." When he got on the horse and squared off against the elephant, the elephant laughed at him and said that there is no point in fighting anymore. "You have lost the confidence to fight on your own terms, and that is why you tried to imitate me instead. At this point, whether you win or lose is meaningless, you've already accepted defeat."

If we are willing to adopt the immoral standards of Brahmanism in order to "win" the election, then we should immediately accept we are not living up to the high standards of Sikhi. Then we have already accepted our ultimate loss and who "wins" and "loses" the election is meaningless.

For those who do not know, it is important to understand that in order to contest an election, every candidate must swear by the weight of their conscience that they fully accept the Constitution of India and will work to uphold and abide by it. Upon winning the election, the candidate must swear again that they will protect the Indian Constitution in order to take their seat in the assembly. If we take the name of the Khalsa panth and approve the practice of taking false oaths, then we do not deserve any right to comment on the moral bankruptcy of Brahmanism.

In such conditions, even if we were to win every election or create our own state, we will still not be able to give the people anything different from India's Brahminical society. Even before Khalistan was formed, we would have already conceded moral defeat by adopting this compromised path. So, let us commit to fighting our battle till victory according to the high and truthful standards of our dharam. As for those who say that they will not contest the elections directly themselves but will have proxy candidates, we cannot do anything but laugh. If participating in the elections is the right decision, then why don't they participate themselves? If participation is wrong then why do they motivate others to walk a false path?

Whether you agree with this or not, timidness and duplicity are never good.

Openly declare whatever it is that you genuinely believe, and live up to your words with honesty and integrity. Treading this path, we will all benefit, as will the world.

People involved in the Khalistan movement hold three types of views. Because of this, the movement broadly produces three different effects. The first type of people are those who want Khalistan for the sake of chardi kala for the community under the religious philosophy. Their interest in participating in the movement is only connected with their religious beliefs.

The second type of people are emotional Khalistanis. The events of the time hurt their sentiments, and they were drawn to the movement by this influence. Political events awakened the religious identity dormant in them, and those people became part of this movement by combining their sense of personal dignity with that of the community and Sikh religion. These people comprise a large part of the Khalistan movement.

The third kind of people are the careerist type. Politics is their profession. These people have entered the Khalistan movement by drawing on popular sentiments and adapting themselves according to the flow of events. You can see them in large numbers among workers in organizations.

These three types of people come together to form the Khalistan movement. The movement cannot benefit from condemning or endorsing any one Khalistani constituent as these three types of people are fluid and interchangeable. A political worker who keeps religious interests at the forefront has the possibility of becoming a careerist politician at any time. And an employed political worker too can at any time transform into a religiously oriented political worker due to external influences. Similarly, the emotional worker can also assume any of these non-fixed identities.

Since June 1984, when the movement of Khalistan took the form of a people's movement, we have been entangled by the enemy in a war such that there have been few opportunities to unify the movement. Given the regularity of emotionally charged events, fluctuations in the movement's fortunes, and the influx of careerist political workers, this movement has not acquired the proper Gursikh form. This task is not even possible during a fast-paced war. That is why, along with the increase in the number of workers in the movement, the increase in participating organizations has also transpired on a large scale. It was a natural phenomenon and it had to happen in that manner. Now, accepting all this, that at present many factions have come into existence in our movement and each faction has certain reasons for its existence, we should start efforts for the necessary unity of the movement. The solution to this situation is not possible using the logic of popular political science.

Our movement is only a religious movement for the advancement of religion. We believe that the root cause of all the sufferings in the world is the ignorance of mankind from the right path, and for the good of the whole, it is necessary to follow the teachings of Sri Guru Granth Sahib. The Saint-Sepoys of Khalsa are trying to establish a righteous kingdom to spread the light of Gurbani in the world. Raaj sada saadhan hai, dharam saadi manzil hai (The state is our means; but religion is our goal). We are ready to make every effort to establish the means which can help us reach the destination… We have to bear in mind that Khalistan is not an end in itself for Sikhs. Religion is our destination and if this movement and the state we aspire to do not fulfil our religious hopes, then we have to move beyond it.

Recently, a newspaper published new legislation by the management of an important gurdwara in England. It said: membership will be denied to those who forcefully occupied the Guru ghar in recent times. Similarly, this week, another article about another gurdwara said that about one and a half dozen Sikhs went to court due to a dispute at the Guru ghar. Another Sikh was punished for locking up a golak. In another gurdwara, one side stole the membership records. In another, someone's belongings from a stall were taken. It is very sad to read such news. This does not present a good image for Sikhism. To other (communities), our condition appears in disarray.

Anyone you talk to about these issues expresses regret over these incidents. But everyone is helpless and skirts responsibility.

What is the Cause of the Disturbance?

Be it a family or an institution or a country, it is natural for contradictions to arise in its management. Where administrative systems are able to find amicable solutions to these contradictions, the atmosphere remains harmonious, and where they are ignored to move forward in an arbitrary manner, chaos is born. During that disturbance, if the opposition gets the upper hand, it acts out of revenge. This creates a worse environment than before. If the opposing party loses and continues to be humiliated (by the winning party), it feels the need to establish alternative institutions to get out of that cycle.

Almost the same phenomenon is transpiring inside the Guru ghars, and the results are in front of us, either the victors don't refrain from humiliating the other side, or if someone loses, they try once or twice to win before leaving and establishing their own gurdwara.

It is incorrect to say there is disorder in every gurdwara in England. Rather, the truth is there is an atmosphere of peace and love in most of the Guru ghars, and it is only because of them that the glory of Sikhism is maintained here. It is because of these well-run gurdwaras that the disordered Guru ghars attract our attention. When we look at the qualities of well-managed Guru ghars, we will find that they have found various solutions to the contradictions that may arise. It is not necessary that all those methods applied everywhere will draw the same results, but still, we must consider them.

The management of any institution can run most effectively when the manager fulfills two conditions. The first is that he be an expert in the relevant subject, and the second is that he should receive recognition. This formula applies from one's family to the UNO.

So, let's talk about the Guru ghar. Wherever the Guru ghar's administration is in the hands of such nobles with the expertise to administer according to the Guru maryada and are respected by the sangat, there can be no disturbance. But wherever the manager is an expert in another (field) and takes responsibility of something different, and there are other people more worthy of that responsibility, contradictions are bound to arise.

Because of various meanings given to democracy today, this is also impacting Gurdwara organizers. Gurdwara committee elections are fought as if they are deciding the village sarpanch, and this method (of elections) appears to be a solution to the contradictions but creates many other tangles. We should also consider its relevance. The real meaning of democracy is by the people, for the people, for their own good. But this does not mean full freedom to harm related institutions.

Today we are living in the age of specialization (expertise) or knowledge, and technology teaches us to give each person work they can excel at. We are not taught to do whatever work is meted out. We have the right to choose not from everyone, but from some experts (qualified persons).

On this basis, when we have to choose the Guru ghar administrators, we should have before us a panel of Gurmukhs who have interest and expertise only in Guru ghar management. When we have elections for the trade union, we don't choose the expert who works for the Guru ghar there, nor do we place such candidates on the council. It is true that "jis ka kaam usi ko saaje"…many people say that with this, the Gurmukh gentlemen with religious interests that are found are those who speak little English, and they cannot explain things to us adequately. This argument is put forth by those commenting on the Guru ghar statutes where it is mandatory for the office bearer to fulfill the condition of being amritdhari. One of the reasons behind those who make such an argument is that they consider the Gurdwara to be a social club rather than a religious institution and use it to flaunt their social status. In fact, because the Sikh community abroad has not established its religious and social institutions, the fight for leadership takes place in the gurdwaras. Educated, English-speaking Sikhs should try to establish more Sikh community-based institutions.

Now, regarding the conflicts between political factions of Sikhs. Many people, for their own purposes, keep claiming that our religion and politics are entwined, and derive from that meaning that political occupation on the gurdwara stage is necessary. These considerations are very far from reality. The first thing is that no religion in the world is separate from politics. Every religion has some degree of politics. Some say (this) explicitly and some indirectly.

Similarly, the Sikh religion has its own politics. It means that when Sikhism teaches us about life, it also teaches us about governance. Our religion places politics as subordinate, not as an equal partner. But many forgetful veers keep these (both) on an equal footing, and many are in a hurry to raise the flag of supremacy of politics over religion. They are making the same error as those advocating secular politics. Some parties in Sikh politics have adopted this convenient stance in the era of parliamentary politics. This is the way to impose political analysis on religious gatherings.

Generally, every political organization has to raise its political issues among the people and develop the organization by fostering agreement among the people. It is a lot of troublesome work. First, the organizations have to get people together, propagate their views, debate, and get them to agree. An easy way to escape this struggle and effort is to use any other pretextual gathering for your purpose and influence some of them to establish an organization. This method is also used at melas (fairs) in Punjab, all one has to do is set up one's own tent there. To use such a method in gurdwaras to take over the Shiromani Committee involves a tug-of-war between all the parties, and whoever takes over is understood to also take over Sikh politics. The reason is not that they become more religious, but that they occupy the gurdwara stage.

Having learned from this phenomenon, some people are conducting a campaign to occupy gurdwaras in order to establish their supremacy in internal Sikh politics. Their purpose is clear and that is to occupy the gurdwara stage to use for their politics. Some go even further. They think that financial aid should be obtained from the gurdwara itself rather than going from house to house, asking for a pound. In this way, in order to subjugate religion to politics, political parties start a campaign to take political control over gurdwaras.

Before the election of the managing committee, the entire organization is mobilized and those dear friends who are not even remotely concerned with the management of the Guru ghar are encouraged to add their membership. If there is a condition for office bearers to be amritdhari, then their men are asked to partake in amrit. If there is a draw of lots, then all the men, even the women, submit slips. Where elections are held, then all the electoral methods are used. Someone or another takes over as manager of the 'panthak' gurdwara committee. If it was previously occupied by someone else, their offices are seized, boards removed, mottos changed, and in some places, even the portraits of martyrs on the walls are changed out.

Be it the booking of akhand paath, kirtan or dhadi darbar or any conference session, they are booked after the party first has internal consultations. Then, during that committee's tenure, the gurdwara stage is openly used to drag the opposition, creating a tense atmosphere for the next elections. If they get the opportunity, the legislation is amended in such a way that the opponent cannot express any dissent, and if the opponent gets an opportunity, then he leaves no stone unturned to appoint a 'receiver' (government agent) by dissolving the committee.

Now let us talk about possible solutions (of this issue). Scientific reasoning cannot solve everything; but any possible solution can be found under the given conditions. We suggest that Guru ghars should be recognized as religious places. Do not try to turn them into a social club or a political stage. We need social activities and a political stage too. We should consider how to fulfill this need, and not create problems by entangling these in one shared space. Sikh congregational societies should erect buildings where facilities for cultural and political activities can be found. Such social and political institutions should be established where opportunities for leadership and popularity can be found, and when we make alternative arrangements, then all those people who create riots in the gurdwaras will have proper arenas for themselves, and we will be able to have Guru ghars where Gurbani will sound even sweeter.

Political workers are requested to spend their time in their field as their time is very valuable. Come to take blessings from Guru's feet, come to seek guidance from Gurbani, come to apply the dust of the sangat on your forehead and work hard in your political field by taking strength from Guru and sangat. Today, the community needs them, and the community supports them, but they should leave the management of Guru ghars to the religious servants. Other social leaders and wealthy Sikhs should be encouraged to take over management and to establish more social institutions of Sikhs to demonstrate their ability and expertise there. By doing this, we will be able to go further.

As a devout Sikh, I cannot stay too long without visiting Sri Darbar Sahib and bathing in the sacred tank. Therefore, I request that you ensure the protection of my human rights upon my return to India.

I believe that as a Sikh, it is my moral right to support the right of self-determination for us (the Sikh community). That is why I support the slogan of Khalistan and I firmly believe that a democratic and humanitarian approach needs to be adopted to solve all social problems, including this issue. So please ask the Government of India to adopt a democratic stance and allow me to stay in Amritsar upon entry.

At the root of many of the problems plaguing our movement today lies this cynical tendency of prioritizing material (padarath) gain over truth or principle in the realm of politics. This inclination pulls us toward short-term gains while pulling our attention away from the long-term harms of this approach. Many self-proclaimed leaders of the movement blatantly lie from stages. When challenged, they respond: "If lying boosts people's morale, what more could one ask for?" They firmly believe that "all is fair in politics and war, every tactic is fair game."

But piyario, we took up this battle in the name of dharam (faith/righteousness). It is our dharmic principles that taught us to fight. If we are to win this war, then it must be our dharam that prevails, not merely our faction. If we abandon our dharam on the battlefield itself, the purpose of our struggle collapses altogether. What then are we fighting or winning for?

Dharam is the name of Truth, and the fight for Truth is the fight for dharam. A battle for material interest waged in the name of dharam is a Gandhian farce. There will be no difference between such a "Sikh" state and the Indian state. Those who argue that we cannot win without lying, or without saying one thing and doing another, clearly have not yet developed their faith in dharam or in sach (Truth). Those who seek lessons solely from the victories of padarathvadi (materialist) movements must reflect on the reality that those very movements, even after winning, ultimately suffered defeat.

Politics is not the name of deceit. Politics is the name of the principles that govern social relationships. If these relationships are grounded in Truth, the result is a dharmic mode of politics; if they are based in koor (falsehood), the outcome is adharamic (cynical/athestic) politics. Those who wish to address the vulnerabilities within the Khalistan movement today must look within. Our gravest failing lies in the way we are attempting to attach the axis of Truth, Sikh dharam, to the prevailing politics of falsehood.

Let us instead grasp the palla (robe) of dharam-centric politics. Let us forsake the swamp of exploitative, power-hungry politicking. Let us grasp the hem of Truth and throw ourselves into the struggle for the freedom of Truth, into the struggle for Khalistan.

In 1989, when the Indian state conducted parliamentary elections in Punjab, they engaged in a two-pronged political game. (Punjab Governor) Siddhartha Shankar Ray concocted a scheme intending to subvert Akali leadership on the one hand while on the other hand catapulting military youth into parliament; thereby creating an environment of political anarchy for the Sikhs. A positive outcome was that Akali groups became cornered, but the drawback was that it created a leadership vacuum. Militant parties did not participate in the elections, but they did their best to make candidates they supported victorious. The Sikh community was deprived of traditional leadership.

Sikhs defeated traditional Akali Dal candidates. But there was no alternative political leadership present on the stage at the time. Militants thought they were an alternative ruling faction, but the political candidates likewise believed that they were the "panth de bulare" (spokespersons for the community). The newly emerged United Akali Dal was not really a unified party. On the other hand, the leadership of a certain federation was giving itself credit for this. But without a doubt, the essence of the militant parties revolved around Sikh politics, and they were the true alternative party compared to traditional Akali leaders. The press-media and commotion around election polls deeply affected the militants.

This election in 1989 created a cluster of politicians who hovered around the militants and wanted to exploit the movement to become ministers and gain political power through assembly elections. There were signs from Delhi that the militants had accepted the ways of parliament, so India wanted to bring in amenable factions for dialogue in hopes of holding elections and forming a government in Punjab. If successful, the government could claim credit for creating peace in Punjab. The Sikh Congressmen of Punjab were also greatly affected by this. They participated in this game and provided shelter and protection to well-known militant leaders.

A strange political situation had arisen. On one side, there were militants who were willing to sacrifice their lives for the cause and on the other side, there were political elements who wanted to form a Punjab Ministry and were courting the militants to realize this goal. Even more interesting was how Hindu political actors, seeking an advantage, also became supporters of militants.

On the other hand, the federation of Akali Dal (Mann), Baba (Joginder Singh), and Manjit Singh were fully committed to winning the upcoming elections and engaged in their own competition to wrest control of the ministry. The Congressmen of Punjab were fully prepared to come forward with the support of some militant parties. The traditional Akali leaders had realized that the balance of power was in the hands of the militants, so they too altered their language, rebranding themselves as pro-militant. The Delhi government kept a razor-sharp eye on the assembly elections, as elements with various political interests started to increase contact with militant organizations. This process provided the militants a new role. Instead of acting as 'king', they began to relish this new role as 'king makers'. Sometimes they would support one organization and withdraw support from another. Different parties started using them to corner one another. Many 'advisors' were also present with their pens and words of advice hankering to carve a space for themselves in the upcoming political battles.

These developments suited the agenda of the rulers in Delhi. They had baited these power seekers with promises prior to the elections, and the hopefuls rushed to Delhi. Everyone headed [to Delhi] for discussions, claiming the consent of the militants, before some other militant party would block it. Mann Dal emerged as a major parliamentary party. The traditional Akali leaders put Mann to the test and sent him to Delhi. As expected, what transpired is that he was met with opposition from the militants.

Finally, the 1991 elections were announced. The anarchy that had been sown in Sikh politics in 1989 began to bear fruit. The militants had previously limited their leadership to a supporting role. Now they got caught in the game of helping one or the other. After the announcement of boycott by the Congress party, eminent Congressmen went to the polls with the support of some militants. The Mann Dal's inability to adjust the number of candidates from different militant factions paved the way for some militant factions to take the path of a boycott. With the intent of defeating other groups, Bhai Manjit Singh obtained Baba Manochahal's support. Sikh candidates tried their best to outdo each other to get the militants' support. Some militant factions decided to boycott the 1992 elections—it is baffling why similar efforts were not made in 1991. In the intervening years—between the elections of’91 and’92—the actions of the militant factions seriously damaged their credibility.

By 1991, the militant movement, which had gained dominant prominence in Sikh politics, had lost its political importance, and if these elections were held, the image presented by the candidates supporting them would have probably further distorted the picture. When the elections were cancelled, the queues for new elections started again. On the other hand, the Delhi Darbar had changed its tune. Traditional leaders had already received the indications of this. They also wanted revenge. The militants had broken from their circle of friends and made enemies everywhere, and their ranks had filled with anti-social elements. New elections (1992) were announced. By calling for a boycott, the traditional Akali leaders trapped the militants who were fully prepared to contest these elections.

At last, the calls for boycott grew stronger. In a display of unity, Sikh voters came together to join the boycott.

Decline/Achievements of the Militant Movement

The decline of the militancy that dominated Punjab politics for more than a decade is a bitter truth. Critics cite many reasons for this and supporters still object to calling it a decline. I think this is natural. No formula of political science could have prolonged this phase of the movement. No movement in the world has been able to sustain itself in the same way for more than ten years continuously. The duration of this movement was longer than what is conventional.

Various reasons have been cited for decline. But external armchair criticism and emotionally laden suggestions do not turn the tide. Both internal and external conditions turn a movement… To condemn this movement today can only be called treachery. There are major faults in this movement, but the achievements and strides it has made cannot be matched by its opponents in their lifetime. This movement created a sense of awareness in the nation, it exposed the communal character of the Indian state. It brought the issue of independence on the political agenda. It identified the Sikh nation in the world as an oppressed nation and it ended the monopoly of big crocodile-like Sikh politicians.

It created an environment in which a clear division between the Sikh community and the Indian community began to appear from top to bottom. With its blood it illuminated a path, following which, the community can achieve independence. This movement did more than any movement could do in this first struggle for independence from the Indian nation. It also exposed national weaknesses and taught us many lessons for future consideration. Overall, this movement has completed its task and paved the way for the next phase.

What should the Next Phase of Freedom Struggle be?

There are two possible options for the movement in the near future. One option is selective militancy. Militants can continue to remind people of their existence for a long time by conducting occasional attention-grabbing operations outside Punjab or from another country. The second option is public mobilization. The political Sikh masses, affected by all the events since June 1984 and the pressure and vengeful attitude of the Indian state-machinery and the Indian nation, will be active according to their means. Among them, those elements who wanted to fight for freedom in their own way in the past, but remained secondary because of the environment affected by militancy, can play a major role. Also included will be those elements who were pro-militancy, but later became fed up with its faults and jettisoned it. Due to the decline of the militant movement, this group will not receive much support from the Sikh community in the beginning because in the past they were also identified with the militants. Another difficulty this faction will face is that many militant supporters and leaders of the Sikh Students Federation were involved in low-level work (looting and collecting funds), and some of them are the precise reason the militant movement experienced decline. It will also be a difficult task to clearly identify these people.

The next phase of the freedom struggle should be a mass democratic front. But if it fails, then naturally selective militancy will take its place, and this period can create a long agony for humanity and also muddle the real issue. One thing should be clear, the Indian government will continue to use the traditional Akali leaders against the fight for the freedom of Khalistan. Therefore, whenever those who want independence become weak, traditional Akali leaders will rise. But we should not continue to drive these leaders away through personal condemnations. Rather, we should maintain an environment where they continue to be tested in front of the community. If we continue to sharpen the communal antagonism, the traditional Akali leadership will either change its tune or sit at home.

Today is the day of ascendancy of traditional leaders. Undoubtedly, people want to get rid of militancy for a while. They consider militancy and freedom as two sides of the same coin. If we talk about freedom, they think we are militants. This is a natural phenomenon because only militants have fought for freedom. People with a democratic nature may have talked about freedom but did not do anything for it. We have to present a democratic model of the freedom struggle from which people can understand that the mistakes of the past will not be repeated. For this, the struggle must patiently start from scratch. In this phase, self-made community leaders will surely be victims of disappointment. Even though they are honest, they will not be tolerated if their status in community politics decreases. Due to this, this (militant) party will suffer. We have to patiently bear the public anger of criticizing the militant movement, even if we are not at fault in it. Not every person is capable of this. Because of this, many people will badmouth the community and retire. One of the most important things to be concerned about is that the Indian government will provoke us again when we are in a desperate state and draw us towards violence. The anger in us serves their agenda, but patience and endurance is what we need. Many external powers will also try to impose their formulas, all the more reason for the leadership of this platform to display humility, vision, and determination.

Where to Begin?

First of all, we have to be active to strengthen the community spirit among the Sikhs. Religious sentiment alone does not create a nation. A community is the name of a group of people who have the form of a politically united unit and want social development by establishing their own governance within a particular region. Like other religions, Sikhism, being a religion, gives people a special way of life. But when it takes the form of a nation, it also presents a special political vision… Everywhere in the world, some nations have established their national states while others are fighting for the state. The fighting nation demands freedom from the occupying nation and the occupying nation suppresses that nation through its government. A warring community is suddenly interacting with the government before it. But when the war starts, the occupying nation completely supports its government. At this point, the fighting community becomes opposed to the nation suppressing them through their government. Communities who limit themselves to fighting government machinery may end up being viewed as focused merely on maintaining law and order.

When militant parties fought against the Indian government, in the first round, the government used the army to attack Sikhs through Operations Blue Star and Wood Rose. Indira Gandhi was assassinated in return for this. It was a political murder. Responding to the attack on the political center of the Indian nation at the national level, the Indians massacred the Sikhs. A watershed was born when the Indian nation stood on the back of the state machinery with full national fervor and entered the field to fight against Sikhs. From that day until now, every Indian has consciously stood against the Sikh struggle. For this reason, all the national political parties are directly or indirectly supporting the oppression of Sikhs by kneeling before their (majority Indian class) sentiments.

In response to the unity of the Indian nation against the Sikhs, communal-political awareness could not happen among the Sikhs. There are two reasons for this. On the one hand, the militants tried to intensify national antagonism in an ill-fated way. They retaliated by killing the Indian lower classes in cars and buses. Sikhs are religious people, so they sympathized with the innocent Indians and naturally disapproved of this path.

The second reason was the Sikh political leadership. They could not perform their duty. Although many Indian politicians meekly criticized the massacre of Sikhs in Delhi, they never questioned the nationalist Indian will of keeping the Sikhs enslaved. But Sikh politicians, while criticizing the militancy's ill-conceived way of fighting, continuously promoted the slave status of Sikhs and tried to forcefully fill the Sikh mentality with certain ideas, including that we have no quarrel with the Indian people, merely some resentment and bad relations with the administrators. In this way, both parties adopted a flawed approach in creating communal consciousness. It should have been that every Indian was asked in a democratic manner whether they wholeheartedly agree with this uncivilized way of keeping us as slaves. And if yes, what kind of relations do you expect from our nation? Today, we have to work harder to fill that gap.

Today, Indian people are ready to take back some concessions given to other (minority) nations. That is why they are also thinking of giving the reins of India to the BJP. With the collapse of the Babri Masjid, the Muslims in this region are going to take the form of a national unit instead of a religious unit. If the BJP succeeds in hoisting the saffron flag on the Red Fort, then the Christians will also take the form of a national-political unit. Thus, the real contradictions will become clear. So, instead of merely raising the problem of law and order, we have to deal with the real social problem and explain the contradiction between the Sikh community and the Indian community from the bottom-up.

Our fight is not with any army or police. We want a national state, separate from the Indian nation and the Indian nation wants to suppress us through the army and police. We have to intensify this issue and for this it is necessary that we do not hesitate to turn this into a public protest.

Indian people by no means keep their opposition to our war for freedom a secret, but because we are afraid or reticent, we are not ready to demand our freedom. In this phase, we have to adopt a completely democratic and humanistic approach and despite the provocation by the Indian nation, we have to explain our point to the world peacefully. On this stage, the Indian nation will choose an aggressive path and will stand naked in the eyes of the world. Then its forces will be globally perceived just as the foreign occupying forces are in Vietnam and Afghanistan. The opinion of the world will be in our favor. By that time, the Indian nation would be tangled with Muslims and Christians.

Relationship between Religion and Political Behavior

Religion influences a person's overall thinking and lifestyle. Political behavior is a component of this lifestyle because one's religious ethos determines one's political conduct. Therefore, there should be no hesitation in accepting the fact that every person committed to the Vedic tradition is a part of a separate political and national entity, and every Sikh who takes refuge in Gurbani is a part of a separate nation. On this basis, those antiquated arguments formed during opposition to Muslim rule should be abandoned, namely that Hindu-Sikhs have a blood-flesh relationship. We can live with Indians because we have a good social relationship with all of humanity. If we can become good neighbors to other nations, then we will be good neighbors and will also respect the Indian nation.

What should the Organizational Structure be?

A balance of three aspects is essential for every struggle: idea, movement and party. Although these three things seem to merge into each other, having clarity for each strengthens the struggle. We have to constantly focus on these three aspects. We have to rise above this narrow thinking that these three things must go together. We have to be flexible about all Sikhs not having the same idea about freedom, that it is not necessary for them to be united in the movement, nor is it necessary that all Sikhs in the movement belong to the same party. For the idea of freedom to become an actuality for the community, we have to avoid fanaticism about the (organizational) form of the movement while conducting activities. Even today, two methods can be suggested for achieving freedom: militant and democratic. We should allow the idea of freedom to spread by making this concession for each other.

A section of traditional Akali leaders can present the idea of independence in their own way, which they should be allowed to do. There should be room for different parties to exist within the movement and one should be willing to tolerate another party. Therefore, we should assume that the political tendencies flowing out of natural common human nature will also manifest within us. Adventurous thoughts may also crop up within us. Wise ideas will arise, and timid ones will, too. We have to coordinate them to build a common platform and achieve national independence. If we consider our own party and ideas to be the 'right' one, we ought to accord others with the same consideration. But there should be scope for debate and unity with each other.

For this reason, those who want to build a democratic Sikh National Front will have to build a democratic Sikh party which clearly defines the goal of national freedom and clarifies national contradictions. After this, an environment of maintaining possible coordination with both the hot and cold factions will have to be created.

In the end, the line of building a common front with other nations (within India), which are in main conflict with the Indian state, will have to be taken. Mass mobilization, clarity of opposition, and a common front will guarantee victory.

It's going to be almost a whole decade since the attack on Sri Akal Takht Sahib by the Delhi government. These past ten years of history in South Asian politics have been fully imprinted by the Sikh community's struggle. This period has presented various periods of ups and downs. In June 1984, the Sikh mass movement was at its peak, but in July 1984, Indian repression was also reaching its zenith. The Sikh political and organizational fabric (for once) collapsed and the Indian state, ignoring Sikh sentiments, repressed every nook and corner of Punjab. A Rajiv-Longowal agreement was reached by the opportunistic Akali leaders expressing their helplessness and the emotional youth also expressed their intention to reject this (agreement) with the murder of Longowal. The Indian media's dishonest and dubious propaganda, which labelled the traitorous Longowal an "Indian Martyr", and elections which indirectly helped the traditional Akali leaders win, brought the Barnala cabinet to the fore. Against the wishes of the traditional Akalis and Indian rulers, on 26 January (1986), Sarbat Khalsa vowed to start a national liberation movement and a new alignment began in Sikh politics.

Some radical but honest politicians took extreme measures to fuel the new movement. The militant movement gradually succumbed to the "infantile disease" of terrorism due to unpredictable government repression and the lack of organizational leadership of the time. The Indian government also followed the strategy of killing this movement…as a result, despite the martyrdom of thousands of youths, this phase of the movement failed. What was worse than the failure was that community respect for those who lost their lives in this movement had waned, and instead, in some Sikh circles, there was a feeling of disappointment towards them.

The cancellation of the 1991 June elections and then the boycotted elections (1992) caused such confusion in the Sikh movement that it could not find its feet again, forcing us to witness its end. After the martyrdom of Baba Manochahal, the militant movement had begun to flourish and now its remnants are fighting for revival.

The traditional Akali Dal could not face the national Sikh movement during the 1989 elections and was badly purged from the democratic fold. In order to replace them, the new leadership, Mann Dal, Baba Dal, Federations, raised slogans but displayed old-fashioned performances. Ultimately, the collapse of the failed traditional leadership put an end to the possibilities of a democratic platform for the new community movement.

By partnering with the degenerate sections of the militant movement and adopting a hostile stance with the promising section, this new Akali Party (Mann Dal) gradually disgraced itself and was stunned to see its standing during the Jalandhar Parliamentary by-election (1993). The freedom-loving Sikh voter felt no excitement for the Badal Dal and continued to be bewildered by the duplicity of the new Akali Dal.

The situation today is that this new Akali leadership engages in no activity except gatherings in melas/fairs. Instead of looking inward about its weakened condition, this party has resorted to cursing the militant movement, on whose achievements this party was born. By criticizing them, but without any accomplishments of its own, it has become difficult to say how long it can survive.

There have been many turns in the politics of Sikhs abroad. From June 1984, the anti-India uprising created new parties. Many people who lost the contest to the first traditional Akali leadership also took advantage of this opportunity and used the sentiments of the new political class to replace the previous monopolistic Akali leaders. Many aspirants seeking to occupy the gurdwaras capitalized on the emotions of the disenchanted youth.

But at the lower level, many Sikh youths came forward to participate in the community's liberation movement. Some of these sections got fed up with the selfish leadership and made it their main mission to oppose them, and finally, tired, broken, and unable to create alternatives, they gave up. But some parties patiently waited and watched as various political parties tried to entice them and continued their efforts to participate in the Sikh movement in their own way.

Roots of the Current Crisis

Those who do not recognize the current crisis in Sikh politics are welcome to their opinions. But we want to discuss with those who are worried about this crisis so that the movement can be helped out of this dilemma. Our speculations are not inherently right, but still, we are raising some issues with full confidence and invite you to engage in debate.

The crisis was natural: The final victory could not be achieved in this period of the Sikh freedom movement. By shelling Sri Akal Takht Sahib in June 1984, the Indian state unveiled the true nature of its relationship with Sikhs, and the Sikh massacre of 1984 presented an accurate picture of the public relationship of the Indian nation with the Sikhs. The Sikh movement was a reaction to these attacks. A response for which the Sikh community was not fully prepared in advance. Any social activism which is merely a reaction can never achieve the imagined results, but it can certainly shatter the imagined goals of the opposition. The Sikhs were being enslaved by the Indian state from the outset (1947) and only half-heartedly fighting for their rights. The Indian nation did not look upon this favorably. They wanted to teach the Sikhs a lesson. The Sikh community responded with full grit and determination to these attacks, which had sought to decimate [Sikhs] and force them to accept eternal enslavement. Thousands of young people made sacrifices and showed remarkable bravery. The plans of the Indian rulers to humiliate the Sikhs failed. The deadly attacks on their pride and honor were resolutely fought against by the Sikh community and in this they overcame the Indian attack and achieved moral victory.

If the battle was only to defeat the (new) attack, then the Sikh nation would have won in 1989 when two members of (Shaheed) Beant Singh's family, who killed India's 'heroine', Indira, arrived in the Indian Parliament with full honor, putting Delhi to shame. During this war initiated by the enemy, through the declaration of Khalistan from Sri Akal Takht Sahib, the Sikh community was also fighting a fundamental battle against the Indian state.

After this announcement, the two battles became like a sports match. A large section of the Sikhs, including Akali workers, were willing to fight against the latest vexing attack by the Indian state, but were not yet fully prepared for a new war (Khalistan). Some of them considered this new front (declaration of Khalistan) as a part of Indian war policy and started raising doubts that it would harm the Sikh community. Thus, two fronts for battle opened. The leadership of the freedom front considered the other side to be cowards or agents of Delhi.

At this point in time, those advocating independence thought that the entire movement shared this goal. Meanwhile the other side continued to manipulate the entire movement only to the extent of applying balm to their wounds. Both sides misrepresented reality. It was true that the Sikh world was ready to give a befitting reply to the latest attack by the Indian government, but it was not entirely true that it was ready to fight this battle to the end. The pro-independence party should have proceeded with the assumption that even though their resolution was correct, the people had not yet absorbed it, and they had to work hard and needed time to prepare both themselves and the people for a sustained battle. But because of strong emotions and the advice of some well-wishers, this party fell prey to haste and took this newly started war to extremes when it was still in its primary stage. These results were inevitable for a war fought in these conditions, and we can still see them today. Rather than being surprised or disturbed by what has transpired, it is more important to think with a clear mind about where to start now.

Now Where to Start?

In order to take a meaningful part in the struggle for national freedom, we have to come closer to the reality and adopt new strategies. First, it has to be assumed that in these days, stagnation has set in the national uprising of the Sikhs born out of the Indian atrocities of June 1984 and thereafter. One reason for this is the Indian state machinery's immense repression, and the second reason is the weaknesses within the militant parties leading this uprising. Persecuted by oppression and frightened by the weaknesses of the militant parties, the Sikh people began to feel it was better to stay away from this movement. This is the state of things in the present-day.

Today, if any organization tries to be active again without introspection, then there is no hope of any special support from the people. Because for one thing, some people have been temporarily frightened by the immense power of the Indian state machinery. Secondly, some people have lost confidence in the leadership abilities of the militant organizations, and they fear that they will repeat the same mistakes. Therefore, all those organizations which have been active in the freedom struggle and want to be active again, should first start the process of looking inward and publicly admit their mistakes. In this way, they will create the impression that the previous mistakes will not be repeated. At the same time, it is necessary to abandon what we thought necessary during the previous era of struggle. We have to accept that the ups and downs of the movement happened according to the conditions that were before us, and that twists and turns were generated by our enemy. Some of the paths we chose ourselves and some we were encouraged to follow…It is our clear opinion that in the fight for freedom, the workers who will fight in the most numbers and with utmost fervor are those who have been castrated by Indian and Akali politics. Any worker who has become accustomed to working in Akali politics for 5-10 years will not be able to compete with the workers in the Khalistani movement who have not been infected by this political virus.

We should not underestimate the future role of Akali workers in the freedom movement. But when we compare the Akali background with those of non-Akali backgrounds, there will be a few differences. Even today, if all the Sikhs who have been fighting in their lives in one way or another against the evils of the Indian state (even if they are communists) embrace the baani and baana, they will be considered honorable freedom fighters. In much the same way, those with an Akali background (Umranangal, Barnala, Amarinder etc.), even if they look like good Akalis or were in the past, will be proven traitors to the freedom movement. Therefore, it will be necessary for us to examine the background of each Sikh who enlists in our movement to see whether he has been a bearer of Indian political standards or has been struggling against them.

Therefore, we should refrain from glorifying or condemning anyone from Akali or non-Akali background and try to increase the people's participation in the Khalsa movement by inviting every ex-Akali, Congressman, comrade, socialist, Naxalite, etc. to join the ongoing struggle to create a new society in a free country.

What is the correct assessment of the Akali Party?

The Akali Party is a reality. This should be accepted. This party, which has matured under the full influence of Indian politics, is a parliamentary party of the Sikhs and has become a pressing need of the Sikhs in India. It has had political importance for the Sikh community, and it has also helped the Sikh community reach the stage of independence.

But on the other hand, due to its constant interaction with the Indian state, it has absorbed Indian, especially Vedic politics. Until the Sikh masses fully develop community consciousness, and until they categorically reject Vedic culture, the Akali party's public foundation cannot be eradicated. When the Indian state attacks the Akali Party, it does not do it to eliminate it, but to Indianize it. It knows that the support of the Akali Party is necessary to keep Sikhs enslaved. Therefore, when the Sikh freedom-loving party attacks the Akali Party, the Indian state also comes forward to protect the Akali Party. [It] also tries to increase [Akali's] prestige (Longowal Dal). New faces (Amarinder Singh) also enter, and financial help is provided. It can oppose and nurture a faction simultaneously, this is the trick of Indian politics. At the same time, Sikhs also criticize the Akali leadership but do not advocate their removal. To make ends meet, the Akali party is presently a necessity for the Sikh community…the Akali Party is a Sikh parliamentary party within the Indian structure, which is a compulsion for the Sikhs to continue to use while living in the Indian state, and it is also an Indian compulsion for the Indian state to continue to negotiate with this party… We should assume that for Sikhs living in India, this is a platform to make ends meet and both the Sikh community and the Indian state have to play this parliamentary game in an opportunistic manner. Until the separation of Sikhs from India reaches its final stage, our community cannot be rid of the Akali Dal…

We should learn a lesson from Sant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwala. He viewed those Akalis as opportunists, but he played a role in uniting them and supported them in the Dharam Yudh Morcha. Even so, he maintained his separate existence and continuously prevented the Akalis from playing the duplicitous game of Indian politics. Eventually, he created such a seismic impact that the truth of Akali politics was revealed. Although the same developments cannot be repeated today, this method is still applicable to some extent. People associated with the Khalistani movement can no longer say that they do not want independence, because this slogan has become a reality. Therefore, it has become necessary to maintain such a platform that remains firm on the goal of freedom. If a platform with this aim positions itself as an Akali Dal, then parliamentary Sikh factions will remain separate from it, this will be very pleasing to the Indian state.

Therefore, to avoid giving rise to such an opportunity, it is important that the Sikhs have a single parliamentary party which continues to satisfy those who enjoy the Indian structure as well as satisfy those who continue to engage in a low-key struggle. The Indian state is now trying to humiliate the Sikh community more than ever before. Because of this, there is no special opportunity in the near future for each Akali Dal to enjoy being a partner of the Indian state. Yes, if the Akali leadership prefers to stick with India (like Surjit Singh Barnala) despite being humiliated, then its community base will automatically crumble, and then if we (Sikhs) strike them, Sikhs will not be offended. We should ask the Akali Dals to walk together and play the parliamentary game by standing on one platform. At the same time, the lower ranks of Akali Dal should be made aware of the need to be vigilant about India's national roots (Hindu votes)…we should start building a mass platform to replace the Akali Dal from now on. This platform should clearly define its goal to establish an independent Sikh state, declare the conflict between the Sikh community and the Indian community as the main contradiction and try to sharpen this contradiction day by day. This thought of the (Hindu) Indian nation that they have a blood-flesh relationship with the Sikhs is cunning and should be eliminated… If the Akali Indians come to power in the Punjab through some conspiracy, then there is no need to panic.

Difference between Militant and Terrorist

Militants do not emerge out of nowhere, nor can attempts to eradicate them be successful. A dishonest movement cannot produce militants and a militant cannot remain militant by being dishonest. Yes, there is a difference between a militant and a terrorist. It may not appear that way on the surface, but a person who disguises himself as a militant and interacts without any Sikh principles anchoring him, who spreads terror instead, takes refuge in the politics of intimidation, and puts personal interest above the community's interest is a terrorist, and his doctrine is terrorism.

Sikhism itself is a militant religion. The Khalsa was created as a militant movement to eradicate social evils and oppression. One who departs from Khalsa doctrines departs from militant social practices. Therefore, for the firm belief of guarding the Khalsa principle to remain within us, it is also necessary for the militant movement to survive. Yes, we have to purge the terrorists from our movement for the entire Khalsa to become militants. Those who discredited the original movement will have to be identified and the whole community will have to try to become militant again. Sikhs will not become terrorists, but Sikhs will always maintain their militant traditions to cleanse society from its ills. Society benefited from this in the past, and society will move towards a higher level again. On the tenth year of the Indian nation's attack on Sri Akal Takht Sahib, we have to repeat this vow.

Leaders of the Daman Virodhi Front express their satisfaction at the unity shown by the Sikh community regarding the boycott. With the success of the election boycott, the nefarious designs of the central government have been foiled. Front leaders said that the decision to hold elections will prove to be a historic mistake for the central government and due to these elections, there is a fear of creating serious rifts between the two main communities of Punjab because the polling made it clear that, for the most part, only Hindu-majority areas voted. Further, Daman Virodhi Front leaders Satnam Singh (Amishah), Jasveer Singh (Patti) and Surinder Singh Gharyala claimed that the polling was only around 18 percent, and the rest of the polling was rigged. The front leaders appealed to all the militant and Panthic organizations that on Vaisakhi, they should gather and call for Sarbat Khalsa at Sri Akal Takht Sahib and then start a civil disobedience movement against the government. He said that the current assembly members do not represent the people from a moral standpoint, and neither do they have the right to take any decision about the future of the Sikh community. Releasing the proceedings of the meeting to newspapers, Satwinder Singh Palasaur said that if the superpowers Soviet Union with 27,000 nuclear weapons and America could not suppress the people's movements in Vietnam for twenty-five years, then the Indian government also could not suppress the Sikh community.

From 1991 till today, the dead bodies of about 25,000 Sikh youths have been declared unclaimed and burned in various municipal crematoriums of Punjab, and almost as many dead bodies are suspected to have been dumped in rivers and canals. The investigation launched by the Human Rights Wing (Shiromani Akali Dal) to get to the bottom of the gruesome case of abandoned dead bodies has exceeded the expectations of the organization's initial investigation. The investigation committee of the human rights wing has come to heart-rending conclusions after completing the initial investigation in Punjab's tehsil Patti, which has a total population of around 150,000 and has two assembly constituencies. Documentary evidence of 538 dead bodies cremated in the Municipal Cremation Ground is being presented to the world by the Inquiry Committee, bodies which have been brought from different police stations and cremated in the Cremation Ground. Out of these 538 dead bodies, a maximum of 115 are from Patti police station, 103 bodies from Bhikhiwind, 101 bodies from Valtoha police station, sixty-one from Khalra police station, fifty from Harike police station, thirty-five from Khem Karan police station, nine from Kacha Pakka police station, and five bodies each from Sabhraon and Kairon. Two dead bodies were brought from Gharyala police post and cremated in this cremation ground. The cremation of 52 bodies is known only from the lumber receipts. These bodies are from 1991 to 1994, and cremations before that are not mentioned in the records there. People living in the vicinity of the municipal cremation ground told the inquiry committee that they used to find parts of corpses being carried by dogs and sometimes human legs and arms would be found scattered around their homes. A respected resident of the city who is a close associate of a Congress member of Parliament and whose land is adjacent to this cremation ground, said that sometimes people used to collect and re-cremate these dead bodies.

Locals told the inquiry committee that many dead bodies were being dumped by the police in the Rajasthan Canal coming out of Harike Head Works. From this, the committee has concluded that during the period of the Beant government alone, more than 1,000 dead bodies have been exhumed from Patti tehsil and these figures show that this number may have doubled from 1985 to 1995. Since the same massacre was done in five tehsils of the district, the number of missing people and abandoned bodies in the entire Amritsar district could be ten thousand. These figures confirm the suspicions expressed by various human rights organizations in Punjab that more than 50,000 youths have been disappeared by the police.

The Human Rights Wing has concluded after researching this human massacre in depth that this incident has surpassed even the massacres carried out during the Pol Pot government of Khmer Rouge in Kampuchea in the seventies. The story of the Pol Pot regime's atrocities was exposed to the world when hundreds of human skeletons were exhumed from mass burials there. The Human Rights Wing appeals to the International Human Rights Organization to help us in this case to bring the reality of these thousands of unclaimed bodies to the world. The Wing demands that the national political parties and members of parliament of India raise the issue of this tragic incident in the Indian parliament and send a delegation of parliament members to Punjab to investigate it.

The Human Rights Wing also demands that the Indian government release photographs of cremated bodies from all of Punjab's municipal crematoriums and publish them so that parents of missing youths can get accurate information about whether their children are alive or dead so that they can complete their last rites.

When we went to the crematoriums to investigate, we found that even the Municipal Committees did not do justice with these dead bodies abused by the police. According to the law, the wood that is bought for cremating the dead bodies in the crematorium and the amount that is paid in return is recorded in the register. What we saw was that the municipal employees would write three quintals of fuel per dead body in the official record, when in reality piles of dead bodies were sometimes cremated with only two quintals to pocket the fuel money. The cremation employees admitted they often cleaned the crematory by throwing half-decomposed bodies in the canals and drains, and whenever the families went to these crematoriums asking for the remains of their loved ones, they were summarily informed that the remains had been discarded. Particularly painful were cases where the crematoriums, often located on the city outskirts, had stray dogs around who would drag the limbs of the dead away. It is the people living nearby who would gather these mutilated organs and arrange for cremation.

In our culture, corpses are bowed to with respect, but this treatment of the corpses of Sikh youth…when we prepare the complete story, even history will be ashamed.

when the reality of this heinous genocide comes out, the real face of Indian politics will be exposed, the terrible picture of state terrorism will come out and the police officers responsible for the massacre will stand in the dock.

The government is spending crores of rupees every year from the exchequer on a section of people by calling them 'terror victim families'. None of them suffer from government repression. But on the other hand, thousands of families who are victims of government repression are being subjected to further repression, and the government treasury is being used like a domestic fund. Because of this, the Human Rights Wing of the Shiromani Akali Dal will appeal to the UNO, Red Cross, Amnesty International and other international organizations to provide justice to the victims of government repression.

We saw thousands of mothers waiting for their sons, rakhris held in the hands of sisters waiting for their brothers. The mothers who had not even seen the dead bodies of their sons and relatives were asking us to let them know whether their loved ones were alive or dead, so that they could perform their last rites.

We went where our brothers had gone—we went to the…

Dear friends, Waheguru ji ka Khalsa, Waheguru ji ki Fateh. First, on behalf of the Sikhs in India, I thank the members of Parliament who wrote a strong letter to the Indian government to withdraw the TADA act.

I hope that the people of Canada, the members of Parliament, and the government, will help us protect the human rights that have been violated by the Indian government there. One good experience that I would like to share with you, when I was about to enter the Parliament complex, I asked my host that if I can carry the kirpan inside, and I was happy when my host informed me, "Yes, you can carry kirpan in the Canadian parliament." Now the tragedy is that when our leader Simranjit Singh Mann was elected by a record margin to the Parliament in India, he was refused entry into Indian Parliament with his kirpan. What a shameful thing for India. We are so sorry that in our country, the country we consider our own, we do not have the freedom to carry our religious symbol. At this point, I can tell you that in the four hundred pages of the Indian Constitution, there is a single line relating to the Sikhs, and that line is that a Sikh has the right to wear and carry their kirpan. Only line in the Indian Constitution, and yet, when Simranjit Singh Mann was denied entry to Parliament because he was carrying his kirpan. So, this is where we stand.

Now I come to the real commemoration of the day. Allow me to tell you the story of how in the past eleven years, I have yearned to enter the Golden Temple on the day when the Indian armed forces destroyed our religious Akal Takht Sahib, for this, I was arrested five times along with others. Sikhs do not have permission to commemorate this day in the Golden Temple. Such is the position that after June 1984, our Golden Temple is under siege of the security forces. We can only enter after a scrutinizing search by the security forces. And our right to religion, our right to enter our main center of religious place, is violated in India. We want that if you cannot help us in our political goal, our political objectives, please help us exercise our basic human rights. We the Sikhs consider the right to religion our basic human right, a right that we have been repeatedly denied.

The UN human rights charter has given some universal human rights to every human being in the world. In India, we Sikhs have been denied our right to religion. Furthermore, our right to expression, the second main human right, too, has been denied to us. We cannot express our feelings and there is the example of Mr. Simranjit Singh Mann being detained under the TADA Act after he addressed a gathering where he said that we want our freedom. Then there is the right to association. Under a new act in the Indian Parliament, the People's Representative Act, we have been forbidden to make an association based on our religion. This discrimination is based on religion, and we are discriminated against as Sikhs; we are forbidden from associating, from making a political party, during elections they can ban us, the Akali party or any party, that is based on religion. So, this is the violation of our human right to have an association.

As for TADA and other Acts, the real cause for forming these acts is that there are so many nationalities within India who want to have a right to self-determination, but in the name of the unity and integrity of India, they impose such acts, and use them to detain people. You know that in '47, two Christian majority states, Nagaland and Mizoram, were crushed by the armed forces in the name of unity and integrity. Now they are crushing Kashmir and Punjab. We appeal to the international community to pressurize the Indian government to incorporate the right to self-determination in the Indian Constitution, so that the people who want to exercise this right are not called "secessionist" and booked under TADA, etc.

Then there is the right to leave one's country, and the right to enter one's country which the UN has granted. Whether it is the Sikh diaspora that wishes to go to Golden Temple, or Sikhs in India who want to go to Nankana Sahib in Pakistan, the birthplace of our religious founder, we want that the Sikh people living all over the world should have the right to visit our holy places.

Finally, because I work in the human rights field, last year, we found that thousands of our young men were picked up by the police and disappeared by the security forces. When we went to the courts, the police response was that these people have gone abroad and are working in Western countries as refugees. But we know that these people have been killed in false encounters. Our investigation has found that in the cremation grounds across municipalities, towns and cities, 25,000 bodies were cremated as "unidentified" and "unclaimed". These were the bodies of young men, 25,000 persons who have been disappeared by security forces. We have shared the proof with the press and the judiciary, but justice has not been done. The High Court refused to take up the matter on the grounds that it is not a public litigation. When last month we went to the Supreme Court of India, there too no help was forthcoming. The Chief of the National Human Rights Commission, which claims to protect human rights in India, Mr. Mishra's response was: "I am helpless. There should be a separate Human Rights Commission in Punjab, but the Punjab government has not formed this commission. My hands are tied, I cannot look into cases that are related to Punjab."

So, this where we stand: the Indian government claims they have formed such-and-such commissions, there is a judiciary, but when the Sikhs went to the courts, to the commissions, when they demand justice, the Indian unity and integrity feels that it is in danger. Thus, we are denied our human rights. Even in this case, we want that the Indian government, the Indian judiciary, should show us the photographs of these dead bodies because the families want to know whether their boys have been killed or are currently in the custody. But even when we demand the death certificates of these bodies, the certificates are denied.

So, we want your help on all these issues. The Sikhs are secular and peaceful, but we are discriminated against based on religion. And when we fight for our religion, our human rights, we are branded as "communal" and "terrorist". The country that is fighting with all its neighbors, with Pakistan, Bangladesh, China, claims to be non-violent, peaceful and we Sikhs, who have sacrificed our lives for this country are branded as "terrorists".

This is the tragedy, but I hope the Canadian people, the Canadian Parliament, the Canadian government will see into this true picture and they will help us to defend our human rights and to live with dignity.

I would like to share something personal: my family was among those deported from Canada in the Komagata Maru Jahaaz. I was so heartened when I visited last time and Mrs. Colleen assured me that the Canadian people are behind you and behind the Sikh community. And I consider this a nice country. Now, I am very happy and pleased to visit your country, to meet your people, and I hope you will help us in our fight for our human rights. Thank you.

As the Guru's Sikhs, we have a duty to raise our voice for justice. No one can stay in this world forever, and we have been given this life to share the pain of our brothers and sisters who are being tortured, killed and disappeared in Punjab every day. Birth and death are in the hands of Waheguru and before leaving this world, I must fulfill my duty to my Sikh brothers and sisters. This is what the Gurus have taught us. Waheguru is fearless and we should not be afraid.

If life goes, it goes, but I cannot deceive my people like others.

Everything is happening with the will of Satguru.